The Early Christians in Rome by Henry Donald Maurice Spence-Jones - HTML preview

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These are quoted on pp. 13–20 of Book I.

[2] A singular and interesting passage of Allard here deserves to be quoted verbatim: “Dans Rome où le celibat est devenu une plaie sociale, où la population diminue, où la stérilité regne au foyer domestique, où l’avortement l’infanticide sont fréquents et à peine reprimés, les Juifs seuls ont beaucoup d’enfants—Tacite a défini d’un mot ce trait de leur race; ‘generandi amor,’ dit-il en énumerant les principaux charactères du peuple Juif. Tous les témoignages anciens parlent de leur grand nombre; ‘augmenter était une de leurs préoccupations,’ ‘augendæ multitudini consulitur’ dit encore Tacite.” See Tacitus, Hist. v. 5; Allard, i. p. 12.

[3] Professor Ramsay in his book, The Church in the Roman Empire, prefers a later date for the composition of the First Epistle of St. Peter than that usually given, A.D. 64–5. He believes it was impregnated with Roman thought and was certainly written from Rome, but not before A.D. 80. This would give a long period of Roman work to the apostle; still—able as are Professor Ramsay’s arguments—the later date and all that it involves are absolutely at variance with the universal tradition.

[4] See the detailed account of this catacomb, Book IV. 261 and following pages.

[5] On these memories which belong to the house of Pudens and his family see pp. 262–270.

[6] Histoire ancienne de l’Église, vol. i. p. 61 (4th edition, 1908).

[7] It will be noticed that an interesting hypothesis dwelt on by Allard (Histoire des Persécutions, vol. i.) and by other writers has not been quoted among the foregoing testimonies. It is curious and deserving of notice, but it is at best only an ingenious supposition.

These scholars suggest that when S. Peter, after his deliverance through the interference of an angel guide, escaped from the prison of Herod Antipas and went to another place (Acts xii. 17), that the “other place” so mysteriously and strangely alluded to by the writer of the “Acts” signified Rome.

A Roman tradition handed down to us through the medium of early Christian art, curiously seems to connect the angelic deliverance of the Apostle S. Peter with Rome. On some twenty of the early Christian sarcophagi preserved in the Lateran Museum, the arrest and imprisonment of S. Peter by the soldiers of Herod Antipas form the subject of the sculpture. Why, pertinently ask these writers, was this special scene in the life of S. Peter selected as the subject graved on so many of these ancient coffins of the Roman Christian dead? They reply—The connexion which traditionally existed between this imprisonment and the angelic deliverance with the first coming of the apostle to Rome.

Bishop Lightfoot somewhat strangely remarks (Clement of Rome, vol. ii. p. 491): “S. Paul could not have written as he writes to the Romans (i. 11, xv. 20–24) if they had received even a short visit from an apostle, more especially if that apostle were S. Peter.”

It is difficult to see how he makes this deduction from S. Paul’s words in the passages in question. In the first passage (Rom. i. 11), S. Paul, after addressing the Roman Christians, and thanking God that their faith is spoken of throughout the whole world, adds that he longs to see these Christians, that he may impart to them some spiritual gift to the end that they may be established. Then he explains or, as it were, recalls what he has said, that he might not seem to think them insufficiently instructed or established in the faith, and therefore in the words which follow closely, “that I may be comforted together with you by the mutual faith both of you and me,” turns the end of his coming to them to their mutual rejoicing in one another’s faith, when he and they shall come to know one another.

In the second passage (Rom. xv. 20–24), S. Paul plainly states that his work had been to preach the gospel “not where Christ was named, lest he should build upon another man’s foundation”—that is, not where Christ was preached by another before me.

Then he adds, that he considered the preaching of Christ where he had not been named the most needful work; he therefore declined going to Rome, where was a Church already planted; but now, having no more Churches to plant in the regions where he was sojourning, he signifies his resolution of visiting the Roman Church.

Any deduction that could be drawn from these two passages in S. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, would seem to be exactly the contrary to that suggested by Lightfoot.

[8] See above, pp. 7–12, where the question of the foundation of the Church in Rome is fully discussed.

[9] Such as the heresies of the Nicolaitans and Cerinthians, and certain of the false Docetic teachings.

[10] The Church in the Roman Empire, xi. 6.

[11] This comment cannot be pressed too strongly.

[12] It is this which makes the vivid picture which the younger Pliny, in his Letter to Trajan, paints of Christian life and influence in a great province so valuable.

[13] See Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, xii. 2.

[14] See Hilary (Poitiers), Contra Arianos, 3.

[15] Bishop Lightfoot discusses at some length the great probability of the accuracy of this definite statement of S. Hilary of Poitiers, and decides that the absence of any mention of Vespasian among the persecutors in Melito and Tertullian by no means invalidates Hilary’s mention; no systematic record was kept of the persecutions; the knowledge possessed by each individual writer was accidental and fragmentary. Lightfoot, Ignatius and Polycarp, vol. i. pp. 15, 16.

[16] “Domitian loved to be identified with Jupiter, and to be idolized as the Divine Providence in human form; and it is recorded that Caligula, Domitian, and Diocletian were the three Emperors who delighted to be styled dominus et deus.”

[17] He struck (says the Roman poet), without exciting popular indignation, at the illustrious citizen:

“Tempora sævitiæ, claras quibus abstulit Urbi
Illustresque animas impune, et vindice nullo.”

But when his rage touched the people—he fell:

“Sed periit, postquam cerdonibus esse timendus cœperat” …
(Juvenal, iv. 151–4).

The word cerdones included the poorest and humblest artisans. The word is commonly translated “cobblers”—French savetiers; it is usually applied to the slave class, or to those engaged in the poorest industries.

Allard (Histoire des Persécutions, i. 11, chap. iv.) considers that the disgust and pity of the populace when they saw the horrible cruelties practised in the celebrated games of Nero in A.D. 64, were partly owing to the indignation of the people when they perceived that so many of their own class were among the tormented Christians in that horrible massacre.

Aubé, too, in his Histoire des Persécutions, calls special attention to these lines of Juvenal. He connects the murder of Domitian closely with the indignation aroused among the people by this bitter persecution, and suggests that the plot which resulted in the assassination of the tyrant originated in a Christian centre. This is, however, in the highest degree improbable.

[18] The full official title of Pliny the Younger in this governorship was “Legatus proprætore provinciæ Ponti et Bithyniæ consulari potestate.” That eminent statesman was entrusted with this province mainly on account of its needing special attention at that time.

[19] Tertullian, Apologeticum, 2; Eusebius, H. E. III.[xxxii. 33.]

[20] Lightfoot well observes (Apostolic Fathers, part ii. vol. i., S. Ignatius, pp. 54–6) that these two famous letters cannot be separated from the collection of Pliny’s Letters in which they appear. Renan in Les Évangiles writes: “On ne croira jamais qu’un faussaire Chrétien eut pu si admirablement imiter la langue précieuse et raffinée de Pline.”

Lightfoot further asks, what Christian writer, if bent on forgery, would have confessed that crowds of his fellow-believers had denied their faith ... that the persecution was already refilling the heathen temples which before were nearly empty, and that there was good hope, if the same policy of persecution was pursued, of a general apostasy from Christianity ensuing? Several, too, of the statements concerning the practices of Christians betray only a very imperfect knowledge of the practices referred to.

The passage which, however, has excited the greatest suspicion and animosity is that which relates to the great numbers of the Christians; but it must be remembered that Tacitus had already spoken of “a vast multitude” as suffering at Rome in the persecution of the Emperor Nero.

[21] “Sed nihil aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam.” Pliny, Ep. x. 96.

[22] There is a striking passage, based on Pliny’s reflexions, in Professor Dill’s Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, on this longing to be remembered after death, so common to the Roman (pagan) mind.

“The secret of immortality, the one chance of escaping oblivion, is to have your thought embalmed in choice and distinguished literary form, which coming ages will not willingly let die (Plin. Ep. ii. 10. 4, iii. 7. 14).... This longing to be remembered was the most ardent passion of the Roman mind in all ages and in all ranks ... of that immense literary ambition which Pliny represented, and which he considered it his duty to foster, only a small part has reached its goal.... The great mass of these eager littérateurs have altogether vanished, or remain to us as mere shadowy names in Martial, or Statius, or Pliny.” Book ii. chap. i.

[23] It seems most probable that the first nine Books of Pliny’s Letters were put out in “book form” for public use at different periods—and subsequently collected in one volume. The “official” correspondence between Pliny and Trajan was apparently “published” somewhat later. But it is evident that in the days of Symmachus (end of fourth century) the whole had been placed together, and thus made up the ten Books we now possess.

[24] Dr. Mackail, Latin Literature, iii. v.

[25] The purely Christian writings, mainly theological, are not included in this brief summary—able and brilliant as some of these undoubtedly were; other causes, apart from their literary merits, have largely contributed to their preservation.

[26] We might also cite here the well-known “poetic” epistles of Ovid and Horace.

[27] The Epistles of Paul to the Romans and to the Galatians are not quoted, but they are conspicuous examples of great doctrinal teaching embodied in the letter form. In a lesser degree the same remark is applicable to the two Letters to the Thessalonians and the First Epistle to the Corinthians.

[28] The words which occur in “the address” of the Letters of Ignatius to the Christian congregation in the city of Tralles are remarkable. “The holy Church which is in Tralles of Asia I salute ... after the manner of the apostle (ἐν ἀποστολικῷ χαρακτῆρι).” This Bishop Lightfoot explains as a reference of Ignatius to the Epistolary form of his communication, that being a usual form adopted by the apostles.

[29] Hermas, whose writings are usually classed with the works of the “Apostolic Fathers,” does not fall into this category.

(a) There is some doubt as to whether Hermas can be rightly considered an “Apostolic Father.”

(b) His writings are not cast in the Epistolary form, but are purely theological treatises or pamphlets.

They are partially examined below (see pp. 178–84) with reference to their date, authorship, and contents generally.

[30] Seventeen of these cities so named are commemorated on extant coins and medals; and this number is largely increased by some writers. These cities of Hadrian bearing his name were situated in various districts of the Roman world, notably in Asia Minor, North Africa, Spain, Syria, Pannonia.

[31] De Champagny, Les Antonins, iii. 1, tersely and well sums up his character: “Il a tous les dons, et toutes les faiblesses, toutes les grandeurs, et toutes les puérilitées, toutes les ambitions.”

[32] Cf. Jerome, Ep. 58, Ad Paulin., 3; Euseb. De vitâ Constant. iii. 26; Sozomen, i. 1; St. Paulin, Ep. 31 (ii.) ad Severum; Rufin. H. E. i. 8; Sulp. Severus, ii. 25, 45; Ambrose, Psalm 43; and in modern historians, cf. De Vogüé’s Églises de la terre sainte, iii.; De Champagny, Les Antonins, livre iii. c. iii.

[33] A certain number of them, however, are by all responsible critics received as absolutely genuine, such as: The Letters relating the Martyrdom of Polycarp; the recital of the sufferings and death of the martyrs of Lyons; the Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs; and a few years later the passion of S. Perpetua and of her companions in suffering.

[34] Extracts from them are given on pp. 177–191.

[35] No scholar is more definite here than Renan, who certainly cannot be regarded as one who would be likely to dwell with emphasis on testimony which makes for the ardent faith of the Christians of the first days. And yet this great scholar brushes aside all the theories which maintain that the Christian martyrs of this period were few and insignificant in number; no modern writer is more positive on the awful character of the persecutions between A.D. 135 and A.D. 180.

[36] Æneid, Book viii.

[37] See pp. 189–90 and 200.

[38] Bishop Lightfoot has been referred to in this brief summary of the position of Christians during these two great reigns. This careful and exact scholar is most definite in his conclusions here, and his views exactly correspond with the views taken in this chapter.

[39] This especially refers to the ancient song of the Arval Brotherhood, of which college Marcus was also a member.

[40] Tacitus, Annals, xv. 44.

[41] Further details of Pliny’s report to the Emperor Trajan upon the numbers of Christians in his province will be found above, Book I. pp. 49–62.

[42] Pliny, Epist. ad Trajan, 96.

[43] Clement of Rome, Epist. ad Cor. vi.

[44] The quotation referred to is from the so-called 2nd Epistle of Clement of Rome (section 2), which Harnack attributes to Soter, bishop of Rome. Lightfoot, however, places the Epistle even earlier (circa A.D. 140), and considers it the work of an anonymous writer.

[45] Irenæus, adv. Hær., book iii. 2.

[46] Tertullian, Apologeticus, 1.

[47] Ibid. 42.

[48] Quoted in Eusebius, H. E., book vi. chap. 43.

[49] See below, p. 120.

[50] Professor Harnack, Mission and Expansion of Christianity, book iv. chap. iii. sec. 14.

[51] Didaché, iv. 2.

[52] Clement of Rome, Ep. ad Cor. 34.

[53] Ignatius, ad Eph. 13.

[54] Ad Polyc. 4.

[55] Barnabas, Ep. 4.

[56] See for detailed account of Justin Martyr’s description, p. 113.

[57] Theophilus to Autolycus, xiv.

[58] Harnack well observes that among Clement of Alexandria’s writings, the Pædagogus evidently assumes that the Church for which its teaching was designed embraced a large number of cultured people.

The same conclusion must be arrived at in respect of many of Irenæus’ writings. Irenæus wrote in the last quarter of the second century.

[59] The more eminent of the Gnostic teachers who in the first instance separated themselves from the Christian congregations, as far as we can judge from the comparatively rare fragments which we possess of their writings, evidently had in view highly cultured readers and listeners. We allude especially to Valentinus and his famous pupil Heracleon. These Gnostic writers taught and wrote in the second half of the second century. The period of activity of the second of these, Heracleon, is generally given as circa A.D. 170–80. Valentinus was somewhat earlier.

[60] This is strikingly put by F. W. Myers in his poem “S. Paul”:

“This hath he done and shall we not adore Him?

This shall He do and can we still despair?

Come let us quickly fling ourselves before Him,

Cast at His feet the burden of our care.”

[61] The more notable of the Atonement prophecy passages in Isaiah were:

“Surely He hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows.... He was wounded for our transgressions, He was bruised for our iniquities: the chastening of our peace was upon Him; and with His stripes we are healed.... He shall see of the travail of His soul, and be satisfied: by His knowledge shall my righteous Servant justify many; for He shall bear their iniquities” (Isa. liii.).

[62] See above, pp. 113, 114.

[63] If the experiment of “communism” in the early Christian Church was ever tried, it was in the congregation of Jerusalem, and there it is clear that the results were simply disastrous; very soon the Church of Jerusalem was reduced to the direst straits. There are very many allusions to this state of things in S. Paul’s Epistles, where collections for the “poor saints in Jerusalem” are constantly mentioned; yet even in that Church, where apparently some attempt at a community of goods was evidently made, entire renunciation was evidently, as we see in the case of Ananias and Sapphira, never obligatory, but was ever purely voluntary.

[64] The writer here evidently means “atones for a multitude of our own sins”; so Tertullian, Scorpiace, 6 (see Bishop Lightfoot, Clement of Rome, part i. vol. ii. p. 232).

[65] See note (p. 104) on authorship and date of 2nd Epistle of Clement of Rome.

[66] See Archbishop Benson, Cyprian, vi. 1.

[67] The Emperor Julian’s well-known Letter to Arsacius is a good example. It is clear that charity did not restrict itself to the “Household of Faith.” Cyprian and his congregation’s action in the Great Plague of Carthage is a good example of this. See below, p. 127.

[68] The last clause is a very important one. It tells us that to the collections made in the assembly for the poor and needy, even the poorest artisan and slave contributed, and positively fasted for two or three days that they might save the necessary few coins to help those poorer and more sorrowful than themselves.

On this beautiful act of Christian charity, see, too, such passages as Hermas Shepherd, Simil. iii.

[69] Archbishop Benson happily paraphrases Cyprian’s words thus: Noblesse oblige. S. Cyprian, vi. 1, 2.

[70] Lecky, European Morals, chap. ii., “The Pagan Empire.”

[71] Slavery was not authoritatively condemned until the year of grace 1807. Lecky characterizes the action of Christian England here in the following eloquent words: “The unwearied, unostentatious, and inglorious crusade of England against slavery may probably be regarded as among the three or four perfectly virtuous acts recorded in the history of nations” (History of Morals, chap. i.). And even after 1807 it lived on an acknowledged and recognized institute of several countries. The terrible war which led to the slave abolition in the United States is still unforgotten even by this generation.

[72] Ozanam estimates the numbers of slaves in the first and second centuries of our era as amounting to half the population of the Empire. The estimate is no doubt exaggerated, but the numbers of the slave population in that period were undoubtedly very great.

[73] Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. ii. chap. iv.

[74] Hermas, the author of the famous Shepherd, belonged to the slave class. The Roman Bishop Pius, A.D. 142–157, was the brother of Hermas. The celebrated Bishop of Rome, Callistus, A.D. 218–222, had been a slave.

“The first and grandest edifice of Byzantine architecture in Italy—the Church of S. Vitale at Ravenna—was dedicated by Justinian to the memory of a martyred slave.”—Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. ii. chap. iv.

[75] S. Paulinus of Nola to Sulpicius Severus, Ep. xxiii.