The Human Condition by Hannah Arendt - HTML preview

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recommends in his preachings is action, and the only human capac-

ity he stresses is the capacity "to perform miracles."

However that may be, the modern age continued to operate un-

der the assumption that life, and not the world, is the highest good

of man; in its boldest and most radical revisions and criticisms of

traditional beliefs and concepts, it never even thought of challeng-

ing this fundamental reversal which Christianity had brought into

reasons: it helps to fight the temptations of otiosity; it helps the monasteries to

fulfil their duty of charity toward the poor; and it is favorable to contemplation

because it does not engage the mind unduly like other occupations, for instance,

the buying and selling of goods. For the role of labor in the monasteries, compare

Etienne Delaruelle, "Le travail dans les regies monastiques occidentales du 4e au 9e siecle," Journal de psychologie normale et pathologique, Vol. XLI, No. 1 (1948).

Apart from these formal considerations, it is quite characteristic that the Solitaires de Port-Royal, looking for some instrument of really effective punishment,

thought immediately of labor (see Lucien Febre, "Travail: Evolution d'un mot et d'une idee," Journal de psychologie normale et pathologique, Vol. XLI, No. 1 [1948]).

84. Aquinas Summa theologka ii. 2. 182. 1, 2. In his insistence on the absolute superiority of the vita contemplativa, Thomas shows a characteristic difference from Augustine, who recommends the inquisitio, out inventio veritatis: ut in ea

quisque proficiat—"inquisition or discovery of truth so that somebody may profit from it" {De civitate Dei xix. 19). But this difference is hardly more than the difference between a Christian thinker formed by Greek, and another by Roman,

philosophy.

85. The Gospels are concerned with the evil of earthly possessions, not with

the praise of labor or laborers (see esp. Matt. 6:19-32, 19:21-24; Mark 4:19;

Luke 6:20-34, 18:22-25; Acts 4: 32-35).

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The Vita Activa and the Modern Age

the dying ancient world. No matter how articulate and how con-

scious the thinkers of modernity were in their attacks on tradition,

the priority of life over everything else had acquired for them the

status of a "self-evident truth," and as such it has survived even in

our present world, which has begun already to leave the whole

modern age behind and to substitute for a laboring society the so-

ciety of jobholders. But while it is quite conceivable that the devel-

opment following upon the discovery of the Archimedean point

would have taken an altogether different direction if it had taken

place seventeen hundred years earlier, when not life but the world

was still the highest good of man, it by no means follows that we

still live in a Christian world. For what matters today is not the

immortality of life, but that life is the highest good. And while this

assumption certainly is Christian in origin, it constitutes no more

than an important attending circumstance for the Christian faith.

Moreover, even if we disregard the details of Christian dogma and

consider only the general mood of Christianity, which resides in

the importance of faith, it is obvious that nothing could be more

detrimental to this spirit than the spirit of distrust and suspicion of

the modern age. Surely, Cartesian doubt has proved its efficiency

nowhere more disastrously and irretrievably than in the realm of

religious belief, where it was introduced by Pascal and Kierke-

gaard, the two greatest religious thinkers of modernity. (For what

undermined the Christian faith was not the atheism of the eight-

eenth century or the materialism of the nineteenth—their argu-

ments are frequently vulgar and, for the most part, easily refutable

by traditional theology—but rather the doubting concern with sal-

vation of genuinely religious men, in whose eyes the traditional

Christian content and promise had become "absurd.")

Just as we do not know what would have happened if the Archi-

medean point had been discovered before the rise of Christianity,

we are in no position to ascertain what the destiny of Christianity

would have been if the great awakening of the Renaissance had not

been interrupted by this event. Before Galileo, all paths still

seemed to be open. If we think back to Leonardo, we may well

imagine that a technical revolution would have overtaken the de-

velopment of humanity in any case. This might well have led to

flight, the realization of one of the oldest and most persistent

[ m ]

The Human Condition

dreams of man, but it hardly would have led into the universe; it

might well have brought about the unification of the earth, but it

hardly would have brought about the transformation of matter into

energy and the adventure into the microscopic universe. The only

thing we can be sure of is that the coincidence of the reversal of

doing and contemplating with the earlier reversal of life and world

became the point of departure for the whole modern development.

Only when the vita activa had lost its point of reference in the vita

cmtemplativa could it become active life in the full sense of the

word; and only because this active life remained bound to life as

its only point of reference could life as such, the laboring metabo-

lism of man with nature, become active and unfold its entire fer-

tility.

45

T H E V I C T O R Y OF T H E A n i m a l L a b o r arts

The victory of the animal laborans would never have been complete

had not the process of secularization, the modern loss of faith in-

evitably arising from Cartesian doubt, deprived individual life of

its immortality, or at least of the certainty of immortality. Individ-

ual life again became mortal, as mortal as it had been in antiquity,

and the world was even less stable, less permanent, and hence less

to be relied upon than it had been during the Christian era. Modern

man, when he lost the certainty of a world to come, was thrown

back upon himself and not upon this world; far from believing that

the world might be potentially immortal, he was not even sure that

it was real. And in so far as he was to assume that it was real in the

uncritical and apparently unbothered optimism of a steadily pro-

gressing science, he had removed himself from the earth to a much

more distant point than any Christian otherworldliness had ever

removed him. Whatever the word "secular" is meant to signify in

current usage, historically it cannot possibly be equated with

worldliness; modern man at any rate did not gain this world when

he lost the other world, and he did not gain life, strictly speaking,

either; he was thrust back upon it, thrown into the closed inward-

ness of introspection, where the highest he could experience were

the empty processes of reckoning of the mind, its play with itself.

The only contents left were appetites and desires, the senseless

r n o ]

The Vita Activa and the Modern Age

urges of his body which he mistook for passion and which he

deemed to be "unreasonable" because he found he could not "rea-

son," that is, not reckon with them. The only thing that could now

be potentially immortal, as immortal as the body politic in antiq-

uity and as individual life during the Middle Ages, was life itself,

that is, the possibly everlasting life process of the species man-

kind.

We saw before that in the rise of society it was ultimately the

life of the species which asserted itself. Theoretically, the turning

point from the earlier modern age's insistence on the "egoistic"

life of the individual to its later emphasis on "social" life and

"socialized man" (Marx) came when Marx transformed the

cruder notion of classical economy—that all men, in so far as they

act at all, act for reasons of self-interest—into forces of interest

which inform, move, and direct the classes of society, and through

their conflicts direct society as a whole. Socialized mankind is that

state of society where only one interest rules, and the subject of

this interest is either classes or man-kind, but neither man nor men.

The point is that now even the last trace of action in what men

were doing, the motive implied in self-interest, disappeared. What

was left was a "natural force," the force of the life process itself,

to which all men and all human activities were equally submitted

("the thought process itself is a natural process")S6 and whose only

aim, if it had an aim at all, was survival of the animal species man.

None of the higher capacities of man was any longer necessary to

connect individual life with the life of the species; individual life

became part of the life process, and to labor, to assure the con-

tinuity of one's own life and the life of his family, was all that was

needed. What was not needed, not necessitated by life's metabo-

lism with nature, was either superfluous or could be justified only

in terms of a peculiarity of human as distinguished from other

animal life—so that Milton was considered to have written his

Paradise Lost for the same reasons and out of similar urges that

compel the silkworm to produce silk.

If we compare the modern world with that of the past, the loss ot

human experience involved in this development is extraordinarily

striking. It is not only and not even primarily contemplation which

86. In a letter Marx wrote to Kugelmann in July, 1868.

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The Human Condition

has become an entirely meaningless experience. Thought itself,

when it became "reckoning with consequences," became a func-

tion of the brain, with the result that electronic instruments are

found to fulfil these functions much better than we ever could.

Action was soon and still is almost exclusively understood in terms

of making and fabricating, only that making, because of its world-

liness and inherent indifference to life, was now regarded as but

another form of laboring, a more complicated but not a more

mysterious function of the life process.

Meanwhile, we have proved ingenious enough to find ways to

ease the toil and trouble of living to the point where an elimination

of laboring from the range of human activities can no longer be

regarded as Utopian. For even now, laboring is too lofty, too am-

bitious a word for what we are doing, or think we are doing, in the

world we have come to live in. The last stage of the laboring so-

ciety, the society of jobholders, demands of its members a sheer

automatic functioning, as though individual life had actually been

submerged in the over-all life process of the species and the only

active decision still required of the individual were to let go, so to

speak, to abandon his individuality, the still individually sensed

pain and trouble of living, and acquiesce in a dazed, "tranquil-

ized," functional type of behavior. The trouble with modern the-

ories of behaviorism is not that they are wrong but that they could

become true, that they actually are the best possible conceptualiza-

tion of certain obvious trends in modern society. It is quite con-

ceivable that the modern age—which began with such an unprece-

dented and promising outburst of human activity—may end in the

deadliest, most sterile passivity history has ever known.

But there are other more serious danger signs that man may be

willing and, indeed, is on the point of developing into that animal

species from which, since Darwin, he imagines he has come. If, in

concluding, we return once more to the discovery of the Archime-

dean point and apply it, as Kafka warned us not to do, to man him-

self and to what he is doing on this earth, it at once becomes mani-

fest that all his activities, watched from a sufficiently removed

vantage point in the universe, would appear not as activities of any

kind but as processes, so that, as a scientist recently put it, modern

motorization would appear like a process of biological mutation in

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The Vita Activa and the Modern Age

which human bodies gradually begin to be covered by shells of

steel. For the watcher from the universe, this mutation would be no

more or less mysterious than the mutation which now goes on

before our eyes in those small living organisms which we fought

with antibiotics and which mysteriously have developed new

strains to resist us. How deep-rooted this usage of the Archime-

dean point against ourselves is can be seen in the very metaphors

which dominate scientific thought today. The reason why scien-

tists can tell us about the "life" in the atom—where apparently

every particle is "free" to behave as it wants and the laws ruling

these movements are the same statistical laws which, according to

the social scientists, rule human behavior and make the multitude

behave as it must, no matter how "free" the individual particle

may appear to be in its choices—the reason, in other words, why

the behavior of the infinitely small particle is not only similar in

pattern to the planetary system as it appears to us but resembles the

life and behavior patterns in human society is, of course, that we

look and live in this society as though we were as far removed

from our own human existence as we are from the infinitely small

and the immensely large which, even if they could be perceived by

the finest instruments, are too far away from us to be experienced.

Needless to say, this does not mean that modern man has lost his

capacities or is on the point of losing them. No matter what sociol-

ogy, psychology, and anthropology will tell us about the "social

animal," men persist in making, fabricating, and building, although

these faculties are more and more restricted to the abilities of the

artist, so that the concomitant experiences of worldliness escape

more and more the range of ordinary human experience.87

Similarly, the capacity for action, at least in the sense of the

releasing of processes, is still with us, although it has become the

exclusive prerogative of the scientists, who have enlarged the

87. This inherent worldliness of the artist is of course not changed if a "non-

objective art" replaces the representation of things; to mistake this "non-objectivity" for subjectivity, where the artist feels called upon to "express himself,"

his subjective feelings, is the mark of charlatans, not of artists. The artist, whether painter or sculptor or poet or musician, produces worldly objects, and his reification has nothing in common with the highly questionable and, at any rate, wholly

unartistic practice of expression. Expressionist art, but not abstract art, is a contradiction in terms.

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The Human Condition

realm of human affairs to the point of extinguishing the time-

honored protective dividing line between nature and the human

world. In view of such achievements, performed for centuries in

the unseen quiet of the laboratories, it seems only proper that their

deeds should eventually have turned out to have greater news

value, to be of greater political significance, than the administrative

and diplomatic doings of most so-called statesmen. It certainly is

not without irony that those whom public opinion has persistently

held to be the least practical and the least political members of

society should have turned out to be the only ones left who still

know how to act and how to act in concert. For their early organi-

zations, which they founded in the seventeenth century for the

conquest of nature and in which they developed their own moral

standards and their own code of honor, have not only survived all

vicissitudes of the modern age, but they have become one of the

most potent power-generating groups in all history. But the action

of the scientists, since it acts into nature from the standpoint of the

universe and not into the web of human relationships, lacks the

revelatory character of action as well as the ability to produce

stories and become historical, which together form the very source

from which meaningfulness springs into and illuminates human ex-

istence. In this existentially most important aspect, action, too, has

become an experience for the privileged few, and these few who

still know what it means to act may well be even fewer than the

artists, their experience even rarer than the genuine experience of

and love for the world.

Thought, finally—which we, following the premodern as well

as the modern tradition, omitted from our reconsideration of the

vita activa—is still possible, and no doubt actual, wherever men

live under the conditions of political freedom. Unfortunately, and

contrary to what is currently assumed about the proverbial ivory-

tower independence of thinkers, no other human capacity is so

vulnerable, and it is in fact far easier to act under conditions of

tyranny than it is to think. As a living experience, thought has al-

ways been assumed, perhaps wrongly, to be known only to the

few. It may not be presumptuous to believe that these few have

not become fewer in our time. This may be irrelevant, or of re-

stricted relevance, for the future of the world; it is not irrelevant

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The Vita Activa and the Modern Age

for the future of man. For if no other test but the experience of

being active, no other measure but the extent of sheer activity were

to be applied to the various activities within the vita activa., it might

well be that thinking as such would surpass them all. Whoever has

any experience in this matter will know how right Cato was when

he said: Numquam se plus agere quam nihil cum agent, numquam

minus solum esse quam cum solus esset—"Never is he more active

than when he does nothing, never is he less alone than when he is

by himself."

[ W ]

index-347_1.jpg

The present study owes its origin to a series of lectures, deliv-

ered under the auspices of the Charles R. Walgreen Foundation in

April, 1956, at the University of Chicago, under the title, "Vita

Activa." In the initial stages of this work, which goes back to the

early fifties, I was given a grant by the Simon Guggenheim Me-

morial Foundation, and in the last stage I was greatly helped by a

grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. In the fall of 1953, the

Christian Gauss Seminar in Criticism of Princeton University of-

fered me the opportunity to present some of my ideas in a series of

lectures under the title "Karl Marx and the Tradition of Political

Thought." I am still grateful for the patience and encouragement

with which these first attempts were received and for the lively

exchange of ideas with writers from here and abroad for which the

Seminar, unique in this respect, provides a sounding board.

Rose Feitelson, who has helped me ever since I began to publish

in this country, was again of great assistance in the preparation of

manuscript and index. If I had to be grateful for what she has done

over a period of twelve years, I would be altogether helpless.

HANNAH ARENDT

[ 327 }

Publisher's Note:

In preparation of this second edition, we have corrected sev-

eral minor typographical errors. The observant reader may no-

tice, however, that the Greek letter chi has been transliterated as

kb in some instances and as the more standard ch in others. We

have chosen to let stand instances of the former, probably a Ger-

manism.

This second edition includes a completely new and expanded

index, which replaces that of the first edition.

index-349_1.jpg

Abraham, 243-44

tion, 190; reification of, 95, 187; as

absolutes, 270

revealing itself fully only to the story-

abstract art, 323n

teller, 191-92; revelatory character

Achilles, 25, 193-94

of, 178-80. 187; society as exclud-

action, 175-247; the agent as disclosed

ing, 40-41; and speech, 26, 177n.l,

in, 175-81; archein,"m, 189, 222-

178-81; stories resulting from, 97;

23, 224; in Aristotle's bios politikos,

strength of, 188-89, 233; as super-

12-13, 25; behavior as replacing, 41,

structure, 33; as taking initiative,

45; and being together, 23; and

177; threefold frustration of, 220;

birth, 178; as boundless, 190-91; ca-

traditional substitution of making

pacity for as still with us, 323-24;

for, 220-30; understood as fabricat-

contemplation opposed to in tradi-

ing, 322: unpredictability of, 144,

tional thought, 14-17, 85; and con-

191-92, 233, 237, 243-47; in vitaac-

templation reversed in modern age,

tiva, 7, 205, 301; in web of relation-

289-94; courage as required for,

ships, 184; and work in Greek politi-

186; as creating its own remem-

cal philosophy, 301-2. See also deeds;

brance, 207-8; defined, 7; doing and

vita activa

suffering as two sides of same coin,

admiration, public, 56-57

190; as exclusive prerogative of man,

Agamemnon, 190

22-23; fabrication distinguished

agent, the: as disclosed in speech and ac-

from, 188, 192; futility of, 173, 197;

tion, 175-81; stories revealing, 184

greatness as criterion of, 205; Greek

agere, 189

and Latin verbs for "act," 189; his-

aging, 51 n.43

tory as a story of, 185; in homo fiiber's

agora, the, 160

redemption, 236; as idleness for ani-

agriculture: Hesiod on, 83n.8; as liberal

mal laborans and homofaber, 208; in-

art, 91, 91n.24; tilling of the soil,

terests as concern of, 182; irrevers-

138

ibility of, 233, 236-43; in Jesus'

alienation: earth alienation, 264-65;

preaching, 318; in life philosophies,

Marxian self-alienation, 89n.21, 162,

313n; location of human activities,

210, 254; world alienation, 6, 209,

73-78; as miracle working, 246—17,

248-57,301,307,310

247n; natality and mortality as con-

alteritas, 176

nected with, 8-9; people distinguish-

American Revolution, 228

ing themselves by, 176; Plato as sepa-

analytical geometry, 266-67

rating from thought, 223-27;

Anders, Giinther, 150n

plurality as condition of, 7, 8; plural-

animal laborans: abundance as ideal of,

ity as source of calamities of, 220;