(Rigveda 1 32 11) The word dāsá is translated by
justice 16 In the Avesta the dragon is described
Calvert Watkins as “hostile demon,” “enemy,” but
as three-headed and six-eyed (yasht 14 38 40;
also “non-āryan, barbarian,” as well as “slave ”9
9 8) 17 Another great Avestan dragon-fighter
Indra released the waters “surrounded by the ser-
is Kərəsāspa who slays Azhi Sruuara (or Azhi
pent” (páriṣṭhitā áhinā) and struck down the dāsá
Zairita), “the horned Azhi, the horse-swallow-
(Rigveda 2 11 2) 10 The serpent and the sobriquet
ing, man-swallowing, venomous, yellow-green
in Indo-Iranian may be linked as aǰhi- dāsá-, from
…” (yasna 9 11; cf yasht 19 40) 18 In Zoroas-
which originate the Vedic áhi- … dāsá- as well as
trian Pahlawī literature the hero also defeats the
the Iranian name of the dragon Azhi Dahāka 11
sea monster Gandarəβa (Skr gandharvá-) in Lake
Significantly, one of the principal functions
Vārukasha after having offered a sacrifice to the
of the divinity was not necessarily to kill the
goddess Ardvī Sūrā Anāhitā 19 As has been recog-
huge dragon, but rather to destroy an obstacle,
nised long ago, the hymns in both Indic and Ira-
vәrәthra-, which tried to withhold the flow of the
nian traditions relate to a traditional mythology
generative waters, thus to fulfil a cosmogonic
which must be shared Indo-Iranian patrimony 20
task 12 The water-controlling aspect of the dragon
The heroic feats associated with the two ancient
has analogies in the figure of Vṛtra as well as Azhi
Iranian festivals of Nawrūz and Mihragān, respec-
Dahāka who becomes the hominoid Azhdahāk 13
tively, at the spring and autumn equinoxes of the
As has been suggested, the mythological character
solar year are of note The vernal New year festi-
of Azhdahāk may well be older than the Zoro-
val, Nawrūz, the official beginning of the year in
astrian texts which first record his name, since
Sasanian times, was instituted according to legend
figures of anthropomorphised dragons already
by the primordial king Jamshīd (Jim), the legend-
appear in Bronze Age Central Asia 14
ary Kayānid emperor of Iran 21 Al-Bīrūnī records
In the Avestan sources the mortal hero-king
the Iranian tale of a demon called Iblīs22 who had
Thraētaona (Pahl Frēdōn, N Pers Farīdūn, Arm
caused a terrible drought and famine by his evil
Hruden), whose abode was presumably the Cen-
spells and threatened to destroy all life on earth
tral Asian steppes,15 is associated with the feat
Jamshīd marched to the demon’s abode and con-
of conquering the dragon Azhi Dahāka with
quered him, releasing the spell and causing new
his mighty club and thus restoring order and
fertility to burst forth 23 On his victorious return
9
20
Watkins, 1995, p 311
Watkins, 1995, p 314 and n 3
10
21
Idem, pp 311–2
See al-Thaʿālibī, Taʾrīkh Ghurar al-siyar, tr and ed
11 The material on Azhi Dahāka has been comprehen-
Zotenberg, 1900, pp 13–4 Christensen, 1934, pp 146–8;
sively discussed by Skjærvø, “Aždahā I,” EIr
Zaehner, 1961, p 138
12
22
Boyce, 1975, repr 1996, p 64; Gnoli, “Bahrām,” EIr.
The name Iblīs is a Qurʾānic designation for the
13 Watkins, 1995, p 312
devil, although he is referred to as a jinn ( sūra s 18, 50; and
14 Cf Francfort, 1994, figs 3–5; Kuehn, 2009, pp 43–67
55, 15) and occurs less frequently than al-shayṭān which is
15 Boyce, 1975, repr 1996, p 101 The association of the
used to designate the devil in the context of his maleficent
dragon-fighter with that of a solitary figure fighting in a for-
intentions towards man In the Shāh-nāma Iblīs is termed a
eign country is interesting In the Avesta the dragon-fighters,
demon (dīw), capable of transforming himself into another
Thraētaona and Kərəsāspa, are associated with “frontier
being including taking on the form of a dragon; dīw s having
heroes” of the Central Asian steppes, in particular the graz-
a strong pre-Islamic (Zoroastrian) background (going back
ing lands of southeast Afghanistan, Thraētaona being born
to the Old Iranian word daiva and the Avestan daēuua)
in Varena and Kərəsāspa coming from the Pishin plain to
Interestingly, among the few ḥadīth in which the name
the south Lōra river (lower Urvadhā) Sarkhosh Curtis and
appears, there is one in which the Prophet speaks of Iblīs as
Stewart, eds , 2005, pp 43–4 Cf Boyce, 1975, repr 1996,
having a throne “on the Waters” thus underlining the con-
p 101 and n 58; Monchi-Zadeh, 1975, p 114 The great
nection of Iblīs with the element of water ( Ṣaḥiḥ Muslim IV,
dragon-fighter of the national Iranian epic, Rustam, is simi-
p 1472; cited after Algar, “Eblīs,” EIr) Azhi Dahāka/Ẓaḥḥāk
larly presented in Firdawsī’s Shāh-nāma as a non-Iranian,
is seen as leader of the demons (dīw s ) that corrupted Jamshīd
coming from outside Iran (Melikian-Chirvani, 1998, p 183),
who thereupon taught men, who were then vegetarians,
and was known as a Central Asian Saka/Scythian, Skythes,
to eat animal meat (whereas the Avesta forbids blood sac-
that is, Sagzī ( idem, 1998, p 193; P’yankov, 2006, p 505 The
rifices), he thence became too proud, lost his purity, giving
term Sagzī was also used of a native of the province of Sīstān,
himself up to profane pleasures, and thus was forsaken by
originally called Sakastān/Sagistān, arabicised to Sijistān Cf
his glory (khvarәnah) Cf Huart [Massé], “Djamshīd,” EI 2 II,
the discussion of the term in Shahbazi, 1993, pp 157–8; also
438b
23
Bailey, 1958, pp 131–54, esp 132)
On the problematic hypothesis that the ancient Indo-
16 Monchi-Zadeh, 1975, pp 103–5; Boyce, 1975, repr
Iranian New year festival contained, among other things, a
1996, p 63
ritual combat between a deity, or a ruler as his representative,
17 Watkins, 1995, p 313
and a dragon that has captured creative parts of nature such
18 Idem, p 319; Nyberg, 1933, pp 336–52, repr 1975,
as rain, cattle or women and thus threatens procreation and
pp 379–95
life as such, see Widengren, 1965, pp 41–9 Cf most recently
19 Cf Monchi-Zadeh, 1975, p 114
Janda, 2010, pp 69–70, 102; also Nylander, 1974, pp 144–6
the dragon in scenes of combat
89
Jamshīd appeared before his people radiating
awesome chaos in order to recreate social real-
like a second sun 24 Thereafter, al-Bīrūnī relates,
ity as Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann have
Jamshīd’s rule was just and prosperous “until the
aptly pointed out:32
time when Bīwarāsp [Ẓaḥḥāk/Dahāk]25 appeared
Al societies are constructions in the face of chaos
who killed [him] and subdued his realm ”26
The constant possibility of anomic terror is actual-
In turn, as al-Bīrūnī reports, the dragon
ized whenever the legitimations that obscure the
Bīwa rāsp/Dahāk is vanquished by the dragon-
precariousness are threatened or col apse And in
fighter Farīdūn (the Avestan Thraētaona) during
such situations, or more regularly in ceremonial y
the festival of Mihragān, which he then insti-
created periods of crisis – literally: separation
tuted to celebrate his victory over the usurping
between two eras, situations, periods – a ‘deep
tyrant, whom he bound in fetters and impris-
legi timacy’ is required, referring to a mythical real-
ity outside ours, ‘the other reality’, lying beyond
oned in Mount Damāwand,27 an extinct volcano
the borders of history and space, an eternal truth
in northern Iran as well as the highest peak in the
that existed before time but still exists behind it
country Significantly, according to various tradi-
and behind our reality, and occasionally mingles
tions, the sun appeared for the first time on the
with ours in ‘periods of exception’
day of Mihragān 28 Al-Bīrūnī further states that
the Persian theologians conceived the prestigious
Zoroastrian myth also influenced Armenian
ancient festival of Mihragān:
leg ends The early dragon-slaying myth of the
Avestan victory god Vәrәthraghna (O Iran
as a sign of resurrection and the end of the
Vṛtraghan, N Pers Bahrām), “the best-armed
world, because at Mihragān that which grows
of the heavenly gods, the strongest in strength,
reaches its perfection 29
the most victorious in victory, the most glo-
The festival was also “a time for ral ying the forces
rious in glory,” may have been conserved in the
of good to oppose the demons of coming winter
Armenian national hero Vahagn (who carries the
and darkness ”30 It is also interesting to note that
epithet vishapakʿagh, “who handles dragons”) 33
the celebration of Mihragān was accorded great
According to the Armenian historian Moses of
importance at the courts of most rulers in the
Chorene, Vahagn fought with and vanquished
Turko-Iranian environment until the Mongol
dragons, his deeds equalling those of Heracles 34
invasion 31 A typology of such festivals shows
The golden aspect of the god is reflected in the
the constant need of society to struggle against
song of the birth of Vahagn, the oldest testimony
marginal situations such as a savage exterior or
of Armenian literature,35 which also survived in
24 Kitāb al-Āthār, tr and ed Sachau, 1876–8, p 202 Cf
Mihragān Fallāḥ Rastgār, pp 431–3, as cited in Bosworth,
Carter, 1974, pp 185–6 and n 64 Al-Bīrūnī ( idem, pp 199–
“Court and courtiers,” EIr Stripped of their original Zoroas-
201) furthermore mentions presents being brought at the
trian religious significance, these traditional festival patterns
New year festival, Nawrūz, which is evidenced by further
had also survived under the ʿAbbasid caliphs, as attested
sources; see Ehrlich, 1930, pp 95–101
by the verses of various contemporary Arabic poets; for
25 See al-Thaʿālibī, Taʾrīkh Ghurar al-siyar, tr and ed
instance, the Nawrūz poem by Ḥusain ibn Ẓaḥḥāk Khalīʿ
Zotenberg, 1900, pp 16–8 In the Bundahishn Dahāk is
and the Mihragān poem attributed to the caliph al-Maʾmūn
referred to as the one “whom they call Biwarāsp” (lit “pos-
(see Masʿūdī, Kitāb murūj al-dhahab, tr and ed Barbier
sessor of ten thousand horses”); cf yasht 5 28–31, in which
de Meynard and de Courteille, 1917, vol 8, pp 277–8,
Azhi Dahāka sacrifices “a hundred stallions, a thousand
340–2) In the sulṭānate of his predecessor, Masʿūd ibn
oxen, and ten thousand sheep” to to the fertility goddess
Maḥmūd of Ghazna, the exchange of customary gifts
Ardvī Sūrā Anāhitā, the yazata (“venerable one”) of all waters
and tribute for this festival was accompanied by much
and fertility, to obtain a wish See al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-rusul
drinking of wine (rasm) which was associated with the
wa ’l-mulūk, tr and ed Brinner, 1991, p 18, n 107
celebration of Mihragān since Achaemenid times (Fallāḥ
26 Kitāb ’l-Āthār, tr and ed Sachau, 1876–8, p 202
Rastgār, pp 431–3; Browne, 1920, vol 1, pp 475–6; Clinton,
27 Idem, pp 207–10, 213–4 Also al-Thaʿālibī, Taʾrīkh
1972, p 136; for the verses of Manūchihrī, see also Hanaway,
Ghurar al-siyar, tr and ed Zotenberg, 1900, pp 35–6 See
1988, pp 69–80, as well as Bayhaqī’s Taʾrīkh-i Bayhaqī)
32
Widengren, 1966, pp 435, 439 Cf Shāh-nāma, tr and ed
Berger and Luckmann, 1971, p 121
33
Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 1, pp 111–3, ll 19–528, p 115, l 10
Patmutʿiwn Hayocʿ, tr Langlois, 1872, p 40 and n 1
Zaehner, 1961, p 139; Calmard, “Mihragān,” EI 2 VII, 15a
The dragon-slaying characteristic of Vahagn has also been
28 Calmard, “Mihragān,” EI 2 VII, 15a
interpreted as secondary or due to local elements (Benveniste
29 Kitāb al-Āthār, tr and ed Sachau, 1876–8, p 208 Cf
and Renou, 1934, p 80) While Iran conserved the ancient
Boyce, 1983, p 802
deity, India may have fused the deity with the hero and thus
30 Boyce, 1983, p 802
Indra was associated with the characteristics and functions of
31 Calmard, “Mihragān,” EI 2 VII, 15a According to the
Vṛtraghan; see Gnoli, “Bahrām,” EIr
34
Ghaznawid historian Bayhaqī’s narrative, the Ghaznawid
Patmutʿiwn Hayocʿ, tr Langlois, 1872, p 41 and n 1
35
sulṭān Bahrām Shāh ibn Masʿūd regularly celebrated at court
Cf Russell, 2004, p 357
the two ancient Iranian seasonal festivals of Nawrūz and
90